GET USED TO THE IDEA: POLITICAL IDEAS ARE DEEPLY ROOTED IN ISLAM AND CARRY MASSIVE WORLDWIDE POPULAR SUPPORT
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There is a debate, however, that is largely avoided in political and media circles, about whether or not it is time for western governments to end their interference in the Muslim world. Poll evidence from Maryland University earlier this year showed over 70 per cent support for Shariah and the Caliphate in countries such as Pakistan. Yet the US and British governments are working to prevent this by propping up a secular military dictator hated by the people, aided by Benazir Bhutto, the leader of arguably the most corrupt administration in Pakistan’s history. Intervention by the west, whether through military means or by propping up tyrant regimes - under the facade of humanitarian need or security - is, as it ever was, an excuse to continue colonialism in the Muslim world, the cause of so much instability and chaos. A core reason why there is no real debate on these matters lies in the fact that politicians - Bush, Blair, Brown, Cheney and others - seem to have reached a consensus that Shariah and Islamic governance for the Muslim world are non-negotiable matters. Efforts are made to deflect attention away from the global (and now domestic) harm caused by their foreign policy. The public, denied information about public opinion on the Muslim street, cannot know that their political masters launched this ‘war on terror’ to counter the rise of ideas that carry huge popular support in the Muslim world.
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A measure of just how mainstream the ideas about Islam’s role in governance have become came on the 11th August 2007. Hizb ut-Tahrir (the Liberation Party) hosted a conference in Indonesia to discuss and debate the subject of the Caliphate and future governance in the Muslim world. Over one hundred thousand delegates attended, the majority women , in one of the world’s largest stadiums . In Indonesia, usually labelled ‘a moderate Muslim country’, good governance is not seen as the exclusive claim of liberal democracy. There is huge interest in Islam’s political solutions, and this debate is largely ignored in Britain, other than in a way that caricatures some of the key advocates. Whatever criticisms people level at my organisation (which political party does not have its enemies and critics) we are a group that argue a case for a better future for the Muslim world.
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But it is not only Indonesia where the debate was vibrant this August. At the Ramallah rally, over ten thousand people wanted an alternative to the failed political solutions on offer. In Lebanon, Yemen, Malaysia, Pakistan, Ukraine and Sudan thousands of people aired similar sentiments at conferences and seminars. Our humble London conference filled a hall with up to 2500 delegates with only two weeks of canvassing, making it the largest Muslim political gathering in the UK this year. The Caliphate and Shariah, which have a central place in Islam, are increasingly seen in the Muslim world as a hope for a better future, to end decades of dictatorship, instability, insecurity, injustice and tyranny.
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For over fifty years Hizb ut-Tahrir has continued on this political path despite the most violent of provocations . We have never advocated re-establishing the Caliphate in Britain but do strongly criticise capitalism and liberal democracy because of the perennial attempts to impose these systems upon the Muslim world, whether by force as in Iraq and Afghanistan, or by coercion attached to aid, loans, political and diplomatic pressure.
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Moreover, we don’t only believe that Islam has an alternative idea to the dominance of global capitalism for problems like poverty or the plight of oppressed women that are caused by the current order, but know that most people in the Muslim world do not want to see their current set of problems replaced by anti-social behaviour, the breakdown of family life, consumerism and the other myriad of problems that affect society in Britain. That is a reason why they trust an Islamic alternative to the status quo, and because the Caliphate is a system based on their beliefs and historical experience. Foreign policy that seeks to deny this alternative in order to maintain a control on economic and strategic interests will inevitably be destructive. A ‘war on terror’ that tries to take on 70% public opinion or more will not just be a long war but a perpetual war that can never be won. Articulating this, as we do, in a robust political manner, forces people to confront the ugly side of Britain, and that will inevitably continue to draw an aggressive response.
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For sometime now, Tony Blair, David Cameron and Patrick Mercer have been calling for a ban on Hizb ut-Tahrir, although John Reid confirmed in the House of Commons that two Home Office reviews undertaken under his watch found no evidence for a ban. The subsequent stance has been a media campaign to demonise the Caliphate and its advocates. In particular, former Muslim activists who disagree with our political ideas are used, in much the same way that defectors from the Soviet Union were considered more effective in denouncing communism during the cold war. Inconsistencies, inaccuracies, misrepresentations and personal grievances aside - it all does very little to advance understanding for the people of Britain as to why exactly so many in the Muslim world want a Caliphate, a Shariah system of government and more Islam in their lives.
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The core of Hizb ut-Tahrir’s analysis has been that the problems of the Muslim world stem from decades of intellectual stagnation, political injustice and economic exploitation. Our view has always been that the Muslim world should be aiming for an intellectual revival and move towards the establishment of a just political leadership based on Islam - the Caliphate - and that this could only be realised when the idea was adopted and supported by public opinion.
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Many of our members have faced torture and execution for advocating these ideas. Thousands of the victims of the now infamous accounts of torture in Uzbekistan are members of Hizb ut-Tahrir. It is their spiritual motivation that has lead to perseverance there and elsewhere. In spite of all the obstacles, popular support for our aim has grown and the adherence solely to political struggle - rooted in our understanding of Islam - has remained unchanged.
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We could spend all day responding to spin and false allegations made against us but will instead address issues. People who criticise us - Muslim and non-Muslim - are entitled to their opinions but it does nothing to inform the British public of this geopolitical debate when it is done in a manner that is simply aimed at inducing fear. It sometimes strikes me as extraordinary that serious commentators swallow without question simplistic and sensationalist arguments that systematically link politically active Muslims or devoutly practising Muslims with a propensity to violence, ignoring the increasingly loud voice of the Muslim street that is non-violent yet Islamic and politicised.
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Think what you like about Hizb ut-Tahrir but the movement for Islam generally, and the Caliphate specifically, is growing year by year. We may have to agree to disagree but surely, now more than ever, there needs to be real discussion and debate rather than simply stoking up more fears about views you find uncomfortable.
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Abdul Wahid
Chair UK Executive Committee
Hizb ut-Tahrir
www.hizb.org.uk